Mutiny at Kildare

(Or that one time when Ireland’s New Police Force Turned on Itself)

In May of 1922, Ireland was trying to be reborn and rebuilt. The ink on the Anglo-Irish Treaty was still drying, the English were slowly shipping their bags north, and a brand-new Irish Free State was trying to figure out how to stand up without falling down. It was, to put it gently, a chaotic time. 

The Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921 ended the Irish War of Independence against England, but it came with strings attached. Some of Ireland would become a Free State, but it would not be a fully independent republic. It would remain within the British Commonwealth. Members of the new Irish Parliament would have to swear an oath of allegiance to the Crown and six counties in the north of Ireland would belong entirely to the English. For some Irish people, these were reasonable compromises. For the revolutionaries who had lived and fought through several uprisings for a united and free Ireland, it was a betrayal of everything they had bled for. The Treaty resulted in a split that not only cut straight through Ireland itself, but also through the hearts of its citizens. On one side you had the new government. On the other there were the anti-Treaty folk, who were loyal only to a completely free Ireland and by May 1922, that split was starting to explode into something bitter and violent. To make matters worse, the new government needed a police force and an army quickly. An Garda Síochána was being assembled from scratch, and its ranks included veterans of the War of Independence and the Easter Rising. Some of these recruits despised the Treaty they were now being asked to defend while others genuinely believed it was a good deal. This fundamental disagreement was irreconcilable and fights broke out often, even though this force was supposed to be unified. It wasn’t good for cohesion or morale and the foundational argument was largely ignored by the powers that be because they needed experienced people and they thought they could persuade even the strongest rebel hearts to fight and work for them. They were wrong.

The departing British troops handed over barracks and armories to the burgeoning Irish police forces and the new Irish army on their way out. These changeovers were widely viewed as the new state reclaiming possession of its own territory but the buildings were old, poorly maintained, and less than ideal. When the gardaí recruits came to the barracks in Kildare, everything seemed to go wrong. It was raining and their bedding was soaking wet. Their quarters were cramped and previously used as stables so it smelled terrible and there was dirt and dung everywhere. This didn’t feel like a grand entrance into a glorious new force. In fact, it felt like an insult to many of them and soon after their arrival, everything came to a head. 

Seven out of eight groups of trainees revolted and seized control of the post. They aligned themselves with the Irish Republican Army and handed out munitions to anti-Treaty forces in the area. They held the barracks for weeks. It was not a planned operation but it was effective. It also indicated something much more unsettling. There was a crack running through the foundation of the state’s armed forces. The mutiny made it clear that the lines between the new police, the National Army, and the Irish Republican Army were not clean and though a conflict between them was inevitable, it would affect everyone, not just those who signed up for it. Many of the people who suddenly found themselves at odds had fought side by side against the English for generations. Some of them were brothers, sisters, cousins, other family members, or the oldest of friends who had spent their entire lives together. But now the Irish “free” state was potentially asking them to point their guns at each other over a Treaty many didn’t agree with, and not everyone could or would do it. 

Eventually the Free State moved to retake the barracks. Their first attempts to regain control failed but gradually (and with the help of Michael Collins) the mutiny was suppressed. This rebellion was rather brief but not insignificant. Mutiny inside your own forces is a very different kind of problem than an enemy at the gates. It raises questions that are hard to answer quickly like who, exactly, the enemy is and how do you deal with your own forces when they oppose you? The new Irish state was reeling and the mutiny was one of the first actions that kicked off the Irish Civil War. It forced the government to make hard choices about loyalty and discipline and despite their efforts to pacify the island, Ireland was torn apart. 

The mutiny at Kildare was a small event, usually overshadowed by the larger battles in the Irish Civil War but sometimes tiny things have a way of carrying the weight of an entire era. This act of defiance led to huge shifts and lasting policy changes. Some would say it’s one of the reasons that the gardaí still predominantly operate without firearms. These men had been too unpredictable and who’s to say that there wouldn’t be more? By the end of the civil war, the idea of a heavily armed and militarized police force was no longer being considered in most of Ireland. If only the entire world had followed suit.

These days the Irish Civil War is often called the forgotten war, which is a strange thing to say about a conflict that shaped Irish politics for the rest of the twentieth century. The party divisions it created have lasted for generations and the decisions they made then still haunt the island today. The conflict asked very difficult questions. How do people who once believed in the same thing, but who are now on opposite sides of it, define loyalty? Where is the line between duty and conscience? How do you cope when atrocities are committed both by and on the people you love? And in the end, how can you ever be expected to forget the unforgettable? These questions did not have satisfactory answers in Ireland in 1922…and over a century later, they still don’t.

Dan Breen

Dan Breen was an integral and powerful man in Ireland’s long fight for independence. He was a husband and father, a gangster, a politician, a speakeasy operator, and an author, but first and foremost he was a self-described soldier who was dedicated to freedom.

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Civil Rights

In the civil rights arena, America gets a lot of the press and always has. Many of the worst atrocities and biggest conflicts in the movement happened in the United States, and they continue to happen to this day. Hollywood has made plenty of movies chronicling the American fight for civil rights, including one about the fateful march from Selma in 1965 that raised awareness and inspired equality all over the world, especially in the north of Ireland where another civil rights movement was being born.

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Remembering Mary O’Dwyer

Mary O’Dwyer (née Breen) was not a typical Irish Republican woman. She did not have the support of a politically powerful family, in fact they actively discouraged her from joining any political group. She defied them, her parish priest, and others when she began canvassing in County Tipperary for Sinn Fein at age sixteen. Two years later, Mary joined (and eventually commanded) her local branch of Cumann na mBan.

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Helena Molony is born

On this day in 1883, Helena Molony was born in Dublin. She was orphaned when she was young and didn’t have the happiest of childhoods but this made her strong-willed and a survivor. She dreamt of a better life and soon that dream came to include a free Ireland. When she was older, she looked back at that time saying,  “I was a young girl dreaming about Ireland when I saw and heard Maud Gonne speaking by the Custom House in Dublin one August evening in 1903 . . . She electrified me and filled me with some of her own spirit.”

Whether it was Maud Gonne’s spirit that energized Helena or not, one thing is certain – she was immediately and completely devoted to Ireland. She and Maud became fast friends and together they were prominent members of both of Ireland’s Nationalist groups for women, Inghinidhe na hÉireann and Cumann na mBan. Helena founded the first political newspaper specifically for women in 1908 and she started a movement aimed at keeping girls away from English soldiers. She was heavily involved in nearly every suffrage or labor campaign and was assigned to the City Hall garrison during the Easter Rising of 1916. When the authorities came to interview her after she was arrested for her role in the uprising, they found her with torn and bleeding hands and the lock halfway off the door. Similarly, while Molony was imprisoned in Kilmainham Gaol her captors discovered that she was trying to dig her way through the massive stone walls with a rusty spoon. She was indomitable and unapologetic.

These traits carried over into every aspect of her life. Helena fought again in the War of Independence, ferrying messages for Micheal Collins and Liam Mellows and was fiercely opposed to the Anglo-Irish Treaty that partitioned Ireland. She was active in the resulting civil war on the Republican side. She remained loyal to her friends, even when her reputation and political career suffered for it. Molony was unwilling to compromise in nearly every way, including her personal life. She was linked romantically to both males and females in a time when that was considered not only a sin, but illegal- and she refused to be labeled or cornered. All of these things cost her and eventually, Helena was forced out of politics and public life.

Even then, Helena maintained strong friendships, often depending on friends for shelter and care. When she died after a long and full life, she was buried next to many of them in the Republican plot at Glasnevin Cemetery, where she is remembered to this day.

Helena

Addendum: For more about Helena please click here. If you’re looking for even more or other fierce women like her, why don’t you grab a copy of my book? “Petticoats, Patriots, and Partition” is available world-wide in bookstores, on Blurb, and all Amazon markets. (Sorry, it’s been awhile since I indulged in some shameless self-promotion.)

 

Bridget Brede Connolly

Bridget “Brede” Connolly was one of the many women who took part in Ireland’s Easter Rising of 1916. She navigated through the streets of Dublin ferrying communications between James Connolly in the General Post Office and Ned Daly, in Church Street. Brede didn’t have that far to go as the crow flies but she had to make it through some of the fiercest fighting of the insurrection to deliver these messages and she did it time and time again.

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Lily O’Brennan

lilyoOn this day in 1948, Ireland said goodbye to one of its fierce and famous daughters. Elizabeth “Lily” O’Brennan was a famous writer and one of three revolutionary sisters in the O’Brennan clan. She was a true believer in the cause of Irish freedom and she fought for it even when it cost her her own.

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Máirín Cregan

When Máirín Cregan was born on this day in 1891, her mother made a very important decision. She insisted that her daughter would grow up learning history and the Irish language. As a young adult, this eventually led Máirín right into the Gaelic League where she developed a sort of nationalist fervor. She was also quite a talented vocalist so she ended up moving to Dublin to study at the Leinster School of Music. When she arrived in the city in 1914, she socialized with the Ryan family, a strong Nationalist clan. Máirín was quickly rubbing shoulders with some of the most prominent Nationalists in Dublin including Min Ryan and her fiance, Seán Mac Diarmada, who was one of the future leaders of the Easter Rising.

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Dorothy Macardle, historian and propagandrix

On this day in 1958, Ireland lost a powerful (albeit slanted) voice. Dorothy Macardle was best known for her book “The Irish Republic” which was commissioned by her idol and friend Eamon De Valera. Her blind faith in his political party and leadership is apparent throughout her history book but so are the echoes of a rebel suffragist and her whispers of dissatisfaction when it came to women’s rights. Dorothy Macardle may have been a vocal member of Dev’s faithful flock, but that’s not to say she was entirely happy with all of his policies.

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Back Home In Derry

I arrived in Derry during a downpour, even though the sun was still peeking through the gathering storm clouds. By the end of the trip, I felt like the weather was a perfect metaphor for the city itself. Derry is rare. It is dark, but light pierces through it. It is grey but full of color. It is gathering and ready, but still and waiting. It is tragic and beautiful. Derry is a very special place.

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